Saturday, 3 August 2013

UK embassy in Yemen to close amid global US terror threats


British embassy in YemenThe British embassy in Yemen will be closed on Sunday and Monday

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The British embassy in Yemen is to shut temporarily and several other embassies have been told to be vigilant after the US issued a global travel alert.

The embassy in Sana'a will be closed on Sunday and Monday as "a precautionary measure", the Foreign Office said.

A spokesman would not say if the closure was due to a specific threat.

According to the New York Times, the US - which is to close 21 of its embassies on Sunday - has intercepted al-Qaeda messages discussing possible attacks.

The British embassy in Yemen had already been operating with a reduced staff "due to increased security concerns".

A number of British embassies in the Middle East have been warned about the latest threat.

'Emanating from Yemen'

Robin Simcox, a research fellow at the Henry Jackson Society, which monitors threats from al-Qaeda, said US authorities had intercepted communications "between senior al-Qaeda leaders talking about an operational and clearly viable plot against an embassy".

He said it is unclear which embassy that is, but Yemen is a high-risk country because the US has stepped up drone attacks there in recent days and al-Qaeda's "most active franchise" is based in the Arabian Peninsula.

There had been a "lull" in US drone attacks in Yemen in the last two months, and Mr Simcox said the sudden increase suggests the latest threat is "emanating from Yemen itself".

A Foreign Office spokesman said: "The embassy will be closed on 4 and 5 August. We have withdrawn a number of staff from Sana'a, due to increased security concerns.

"We updated our travel advice to Yemen on 2 August to reflect that.

"We keep travel advice and the security of our staff and missions under constant review. Our travel advice advises particular vigilance during Ramadan, when tensions could be heightened.

"We are particularly concerned about the security situation in the final days of Ramadan and into Eid."

The Islamic holy month ends next week.

'Leave now'

Iona Craig, the Times' correspondent in Yemen, said very few British people now remain in the country, and that "the threat to foreigners here has definitely increased" in recent months.

She told BBC Radio 4's Today programme British embassy staff in Yemen now live on-site, following two attacks in 2010.

On its website, the Foreign Office was already advising against all travel to Yemen and urging British nationals to "leave now".

It says there is "a high threat from terrorism throughout Yemen" and "a very high threat of kidnap from armed tribes, criminals and terrorists".

Unlike the US, the UK is keeping its embassies in Saudi Arabia, Oman, Qatar, Bahrain, Kuwait, United Arab Emirates and Iraq open, but it has advised staff to "exercise extra vigilance as we approach Eid".

The US state department responded to the threat by issuing a global travel alert.

In a statement, it said: "Current information suggests that al-Qaeda and affiliated organizations continue to plan terrorist attacks both in the region and beyond, and that they may focus efforts to conduct attacks in the period between now and the end of August."

US worldwide travel alert over fear of al-Qaeda attack

3 August 2013 Last updated at 06:44 GMT. The US state department has issued a global travel alert because of fears of an unspecified al-Qaeda attack. The department said the potential for an attack was particularly strong in the Middle East and North Africa. The US intercepted electronic communications between senior al-Qaeda figures, according to officials quoted by the New York Times. The alert comes shortly after the US announced nearly two dozen embassies and consulates would be shut on Sunday. The US state department said the alert expires on 31 August 2013 and it recommended US citizens travelling abroad be vigilant. "Current information suggests that al-Qaeda and affiliated organisations continue to plan terrorist attacks both in the region and beyond, and that they may focus efforts to conduct attacks in the period between now and the end of August," the statement said. The alert warned of "the potential for terrorists to attack public transportation systems and other tourist infrastructure". In its report, the New York Times says high-level intercepts were collected and analysed this week and that the CIA, state department and White House immediately recognised their significance. Meanwhile, the UK Foreign Office has confirmed that the British embassy in Yemen is to be closed on Sunday and Monday as "a precautionary measure". Analysis Kim Ghattas BBC News, Washington It's not unusual for the state department to issue travel warnings, ranging from a caution to an alert. But this one is both wide-ranging and somewhat specific, as it comes after the announcement that 14 American embassies will be closed in the Middle East and North Africa. The alert is based on intelligence that goes beyond the usual chatter, according to lawmakers, but the state department is also acting out of an abundance of caution. Last year, the US issued a worldwide warning about potential violence ahead of the anniversary of 11 September 2001 attacks. Violent protests against an anti-Muslim video also erupted in Cairo and Tunis. Then, in Benghazi, on 11 September, the US ambassador to Libya was killed in an attack. In the aftermath, US officials said there was no "actionable" intelligence about an impending attack. US President Barack Obama has ordered that "all appropriate steps" be taken to protect Americans in response to a threat of an al-Qaeda attack, AFP news agency quoted a White House official as saying. "The president is being updated on a potential threat occurring in or emanating from the Arabian Peninsula," the official added. Nancy Pelosi, the Democratic leader in the House of Representatives, said that congressional leaders had been briefed about the alert. "There is some understanding of the seriousness of the threat," she told reporters. Republican lawmaker Jason Chaffetz said he understood there was "a very real worldwide threat". Dutch Ruppersberger, the top Democrat on the House intelligence committee, said the threat was not prompted by "the regular chit chat" gleaned from would-be militants online or elsewhere. "The most important thing we have to do is protect American lives," he told the Associated Press news agency. 'Abundance of caution' An unnamed senior US official told NBC the threat may be related to the Islamic holy month of Ramadan, which ends next week. In the Muslim world, Sunday is a work day. In other parts of the world US diplomatic offices are shut on Sunday. "It is possible we may have additional days of closing as well," a senior state department official told the BBC on Thursday. Four Americans died in an attack last year on the US consulate in Benghazi, Libya The official said the state department had "been apprised of information" leading it to take these "precautionary steps... out of an abundance of caution". Last year on 11 September, the US consulate in Benghazi, Libya, was attacked, leaving four Americans dead. Other embassies are routinely targets of protesters. The US diplomatic missions to be closed on Sunday are in Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates; Algiers, Algeria; Amman, Jordan; Baghdad, Iraq; Cairo, Egypt; Dhahran, Saudi Arabia; Djibouti, Djibouti; Dhaka, Bangladesh; Doha, Qatar; Dubai, United Arab Emirates; Erbil, Iraq; Jeddah, Saudi Arabia; Kabul, Afghanistan; Khartoum, Sudan; Kuwait City, Kuwait; Manama, Bahrain; Muscat, Oman; Nouakchott, Mauritania; Riyadh, Saudi Arabia; Sanaa, Yemen and Tripoli, Libya.

Ikpeba, Adepoju differ on Oboabona Arsenal snub




Victor Ikpeba

A former African Footballer of the Year, Victor Ikpeba has said it was wrong for Godfrey Oboabona not to have accepted to undergo trials with English Premier League side Arsenal. But another Nigeria ex-international Mutiu Adepoju believes the defender took the right stand in rejecting to undergo trials instead of a direct contract negotiation.

Oboabona had said it was disrespectful for Arsenal to ask him to undergo trials after what he had achieved with the Super Eagles especially at the 2013 Africa Nations Cup.

But Ikpeba, who played under Arsenal manager Arsene Wenger at French club Monaco, said the Sunshine Stars captain got it wrong.

 Ikpeba told MTNFootball.com, “Oboabona was wrongly advised, he should have gone for the trials even if he does not make it into Arsenal, another English side would have seen him.

 “I know he would say he has won the AFCON and plays for Sunshine Stars but he should understand that it’s not the same way these European coaches view European and South America players they view African players. Yes, we have talent but you need to understand how they play, adjust to their weather and a lot of things, so I think he should have gone for the trials because I know Wenger has a lot of respect for African players.”

But Adepoju who played professionally in Spain for many years told The PUNCH that Oboabona had played long enough for the national team for Wenger and his assistant to take a decision on the player.

Adepoju said, “He (Oboabona) has passed that level having played for the national team and especially playing a major role in winning the African cup. Trials are meant for players who have not established themselves at that level. I am not sure that Wenger would ask any South American player featuring in his national team to go through trials.

“I know it is a great opportunity to play for Arsenal but that does not mean that a player at that level should now reduce himself starting at trials level. The Nigeria national team is not a small team and he has established himself in the starting list. Oboabona took the right decision; that’s the way I feel about it.”

And without the Arsenal opportunity, European clubs appear still keen to sign-on the Sunshine defender. Turkish Super League club Gaziantepspor are the latest club interested in signing him. Transfer media reports from Turkey say Gaziantepspor are keen to fortify their defence before the new season kicks off and Oboabona as one of their targets.

Afghan attack targets Indian mission


Scene of Jalalabad bomb blast, 3 August 2013Most of the casualties were civilian bystanders

Suicide bombers have targeted the Indian consulate in the eastern Afghan city of Jalalabad, killing at least eight civilians.

Three bombers drove up in a car before detonating their explosives, police said.

Gunfire was heard for an hour after the blast which took place at 10:00 local time (06:30 GMT).

Most of the victims were from a nearby mosque. Indian officials say none of their citizens were hurt.

At least 22 people were injured in the Jalalabad attack, according to the police, and many of the casualties were children.

Deputy police chief of Nangarhar province Masum Khan Hashimi said the blast, close to a mosque, had been a failed attempt to attack the Indian consulate.

He said two of the attackers wearing vests laden with explosives got out of the car and were immediately fired upon by police.

The remaining occupant of the car then blew it up, he told Reuters news agency.

The explosion also caused heavy damage to local shops.

It is not clear who was behind the attack. Jalalabad has frequently been the target of Taliban attacks, including a bomb blast at the airport last year.

However, a Taliban spokesman denied responsibility for Saturday's attack.

Indian buildings in Afghanistan have been targeted before.

In 2008 and 2009, the Indian embassy in Kabul was attacked twice with dozens of people killed.

The attack came after officials on Friday reported fierce fighting between security forces and militants in the Shirzad district of Nangarhar province.

They said 76 Taliban members and 22 police were killed in a series of clashes.


Friday, 2 August 2013

Zimbabwe election: Mugabe's Zanu-PF 'wins majority

Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe's party has won a huge majority in parliament in this week's elections, officials say.

With most seats declared, the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission said Zanu-PF had won 137 seats in the 210-seat chamber, just short of two-thirds.

Results in the presidential race have yet to be announced.

Mr Mugabe's main rival, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, has already dismissed the election as "a sham".

Mr Tsvangirai, 61, who heads the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and is running for president against Mr Mugabe, said the vote was "null and void".

Analysis

There is a mood of despair among Morgan Tsvangirai's supporters - they are shocked and dejected.

A palpable feeling has gripped the capital, Harare, where people's hopes had been raised by the absence of the intimidation and violence seen in past elections. Many cannot understand how President Robert Mugabe's party managed to win seats in Mr Tsvangirai's urban strongholds.

In contrast, Zanu-PF supporters feel they have brought back the father of the nation, who fought colonial rule and restored the dignity of black Zimbabweans.

The country is torn apart by political strife. Emotions are running high and the country is likely to face another period of bickering and, perhaps, economic stagnation.

The leaders of Mr Tsvangirai's MDC are meeting on Saturday to map the way forward. The question is whether he will remain at the helm, or face internal pressures to quit. The strong indications are that he may stay on in the opposition trenches until the next election.

For now, the MDC is pursuing the legal route, which - judging by the past - is unlikely to succeed.

For President Mugabe, it is time to go back to the office, where he will face the world's questions about his legitimacy.

A local monitoring group has also said that the poll was "seriously compromised".

However, the two main observer groups have broadly endorsed the election, saying it was free and peaceful.

Earlier reports from the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) said Zanu-PF had won 142 seats but this was later corrected following some recounts.

The AFP news agency reports that 186 seats have been declared with 24 results still to come.

If Zanu-PF clinches a two-thirds majority it will be able to change Zimbabwe's constitution.

Uneasy coalition

African Union (AU) mission head Olusegun Obasanjo dismissed the complaints of fraud, saying the election was fair and free "from the campaigning point of view".

He acknowledged incidents "that could have been avoided and even tended to have breached the law" but added: "All in all, up to the close of the polls, we do not believe that these incidences (incidents) will amount to the result not representing the will of the people."

The former Nigerian president added: "I have never seen an election that is perfect. The process continues and we have to limit our comments."

Monitors from the Southern African Development Community (Sadc) described the elections as "free and peaceful" but said it was too early to call them fair.

"In democracy we not only vote, not only campaign, but accept the hard facts, particularly the outcome," said Sadc mission head Bernard Membe.

The AU assessment sharply contrasted to that of the Zimbabwe Election Support Network (ZESN) - the largest group of domestic monitors with some 7,000 people on the ground.

It said on Thursday that the elections were "seriously compromised", with as many as one million people unable to cast their ballots.

One Harare resident's view

Voting in Harare. 31 July 2013

"I accept that the president has support, but enough for a landslide?

When I was in a voting queue, I struck up conversations with people. Most of us were there to fix our country.

Surely that does not mean returning to the pre-2008 days?"

The ZESN said potential voters were much more likely to be turned away from polling stations in urban areas, where support for Mr Tsvangirai is strong, than in President Mugabe's rural strongholds.

The group also alleged significant irregularities before the poll. It said that 99.7% of rural voters were registered on the electoral roll in June compared with only 67.9% of urban voters.

Zanu-PF and the MDC have formed an uneasy coalition government since 2009. That deal ended deadly violence that erupted after a disputed presidential poll the previous year.

Mr Mugabe, 89, is running for a seventh term.

His Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa said on Friday that Zanu-PF was "headed for an unprecedented landslide".

"If anyone is dissatisfied, the courts are there. I invite Tsvangirai to go to court if he has any grounds to justify what he has been saying,'' he told journalists.

Under Zimbabwean law, seven days are set aside for legal challenges with another two days for rulings to be made. After that, the swearing-in of a new government takes place.

The BBC's Andrew Harding in Johannesburg says some strong legal challenges are likely, with perhaps a few results overturned.

Amid rising tension, UN Secretary, General Bam Ki-moon called on President Mugabe and Mr Tsvangirai to send "clear messages of calm" to their supporters.

His spokesman, Martin Nesirky, said Mr Ban wanted any election disputes to be handled "transparently and fairly".


Wenger calls for calm over transfers


Arsene Wenger

Arsene Wenger has spoken on the club’s transfer plans to confirm that the he is working on bringing in new players to strengthen his squad, but believes his current crop of players are good enough to challenge for the Premier League title.

Arsenal were said to have a £70m transfer budget at the beginning of the summer, but so far they have brought in just one player when they added French Under-21 striker Yaya Sanogo on a free transfer meaning they paid a minimal compensation fee due to his age.

They have seen two bids rejected for Liverpool striker Luis Suarez, and also missed out on Real Madrid forward Gonzalo Higuain who moved to Napoli for £34.5m with Arsenal unwilling to meet the inflated fee once Real hiked the price from £23m.

Speaking on Emirates sponsored ‘Google Hangout’ Wenger said: “We are still working on improving our squad. But we have a base of young players, players who started in the Premier League with us, like Wojciech Szczesny, Carl Jenkinson, Alex Oxlade-Chamberlain.

“That is why what we do is unique. Look at our competitors, who in the last 10 years has started for them in the Premier League and is still there now?

“I believe my squad have a special bond and that they are on their way upwards, they are not over the hill, they will get better. I am confident we will be stronger next season.”

How Asari-Dokubo became a VIP



FORMER Niger Delta activist, Alhaji Mujahid Dokubo-Asari

A while ago, Mujahid Asari-Dokubo’s visceral defence of the Jonathan regime against all real and perceived enemies left many observers bewildered. Is this not the same individual, it was widely asked, who had made a name for himself by his charismatic leadership of the Niger Delta People’s Volunteer Force and vocal enunciation of the cause of Nigeria’s oil-producing riverine minorities? How did Asari metamorphose from a feared Mohammedan of the creeks (complete with the elaborate head gear) to a megaphone of state power? This is the question I propose to answer here, and my very simple thesis is that to track Asari’s movement from the swamps to the corridors of the state is to apprehend a sociological dynamic: the particular mode by which social agents gain entry into the domain of the state, via, in this specific case, the instrumentality of violence.

Analytically, there are two immediate targets. One is Asari himself, particularly the gradual but symbolic evolution in his personal profile and self-presentation over time. Second, there is the theme of violence, its effectivity as a means of negotiating access to material resources and social certification as a member of the political elite.

For a proper appreciation of this dynamic, in particular the latter idea of the social utilisation of banditry, it is important to understand, first, an idea captured here as “violence entrepreneurship.” As a framework, violence entrepreneurship avoids otherwise legitimate questions like, for instance, how endemic insecurity threatens the short-term stability and long-term existence of the Nigerian state. Instead, it prioritises the need to make violence coherent as a political phenomenon, meaning that the most ostensibly unrelated acts of violence are understood and made meaningful solely in relation to politics and the dominant ethos of the political order — and not just the current political regime — in Nigeria. For example, the unusual spate of carjacking and violent armed robbery, the festering hostage-taking industry, prohibitive auto-mortality, the insurgency in the northern half of the country, resource militancy in the oil producing region, and sundry examples of routine violence, all become perfectly explicable as effects of politics and political choices.

Second, the notion of violence entrepreneurship demands that violence be seen as an agential strategy; a currency of exchange between the state and agents within civil society. One implication (and Asari’s ongoing political evolution is a great illustration) is that even when the violence deployed is visceral, and the rhetoric of threatened exit from the state is prohibitive and inflationary, ultimately, violence tends to function as a means of negotiating access. Access, of course, can be understood in various ways, but my basic concern here is to show how violence entrepreneurs enter into and become part of the orbit of the state. In this regard, particular attention must be given to how such entrepreneurs attain ethical equilibrium with state officials, eventually assuming the moral and material paraphernalia of the state. When examined carefully, it becomes evident that this is the sociological trajectory that Asari has assumed.

This is not to say that the productivity of violence is always one-sided. Historically, the Nigerian state too has functionalised violence in various ways. One well-worn modality is through the development of relations of patronage between state functionaries and political godfathers, many of whom are often surrounded by thugs and other individuals with a history of difficult relations with the law. Think here of the showdown between Rasheed Ladoja and the late Lamidi Adedibu in Oyo State on the one hand, and that between Peter Obi and Chris Uba in Anambra State on the other. Following the same logic, the state can use the prevalence of violence in a particular region of the country to leverage both resources and moral sympathy from various international agents, a good example being the mobilisation of external resources to fund the pacification of civil unrest in the Niger Delta. Last but not the least, the state has been known to surreptitiously develop its own extrajudicial killer squads, either as an alternative to, but in most cases in simultaneous existence with, regular apparatuses of violence authorised by the law. Here, think of revelations early in the year concerning the alleged use of killer platoons by the Obasanjo regime; and Sergeant Rogers’ credulous testimony that the late Gen. Sani Abacha actively maintained a killer squad and that it, i.e. the squad, was responsible for the murder of Kudirat Abiola.

Be that as it may, the key point to be emphasised is the structure of engagement between the state and armed militias, and the main idea I am trying to develop is how, in the long run, the threat or actual deployment of violence, one, transforms the relationship between the state and armed militias, and two, tends to eventuate in the incorporation of leaders of such militias into the orbit of the state. Mujahid Asari-Dokubo (and the Odu’a People’s Congress’s Gani Adams no less) is a perfect encapsulation of this logic, precisely in his sheer transformation from radical revolutionary and purveyor of violence, to a more or less bona fide member of the state nobility, complete, as I claimed earlier, with all the conceits and appurtenances of the Nigerian political class.

Now, this is a very complex process, and yes, the last chapters have yet to be written. Nevertheless, certain details in Asari’s transformation seem instructive for my analysis. First is his (Asari’s) emergence from a proper order of injustice: the crisis of oil exploitation in the Niger Delta. Second is his astute reading of the social mood and readiness to capitalise on a glaring leadership vacuum. Here, you have to go back to the hanging of Ken Saro-Wiwa in November 1995 by the Abacha regime, the emasculation of the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People, and the overall tranquilisation of opposition throughout the region. Finally, there is his personal rebranding and self re-presentation. For instance, the distinctly Islamic turban has been jettisoned, though the bushy beard (part Mohammedan, part Che Guevara) is still in place. Furthermore, although there is a notional forswearing of violence, this is strategically counterbalanced by frequent threats to “return to the creeks”, as seen in the example with which I began this piece.

Finally, there is of course the desperation to undo the obvious disadvantages of class cum educational cum professional pedigree, often through regular appearance in social circuits (weddings, burial ceremonies, etc). In short, there is an enactment of the whole “Big Man” repertoire, complete, it goes without saying, with personal channels of patronage. The Dr. or Chief prefix is just a matter of time.