Wednesday 25 December 2013

Villages destroyed, civilians killed as troupe chase Islamists – Witnesses


on    /   in News 7:00 pm   

KANO (AFP) – A military offensive in northeast Nigeria that killed more than 50 Islamist rebels has destroyed four villages and left corpses scattered in bushes, with some civilians among the dead, witnesses said Tuesday.

The defence ministry has said the operation was launched in response to an attack Friday by Boko Haram insurgents on an army barracks in the town of Bama in Borno state, the epicentre of the Islamist conflict.

Defence spokesman Chris Olukolade identified those killed as “terrorists.”

Residents told AFP that an unknown number of civilians also lost their lives as the military bombarded the fleeing rebels. While they reported finding scores of charred bodies in the area, many were thought to be those of Boko Haram fighters.

Area resident Karim Bunu told AFP the military onslaught “completely burnt down four villages,” specifically listing Awaram, Ali-Ali, Suwabara and Kashimri, all in Borno state.

“Civilians from the affected villages,” were among those killed, he said.

“We have never seen so much death,” added a tribal chief in the area, who asked that his name be withheld. “The bushes are littered with decomposing bodies.”

Bunu, the local chief and other residents said much of the destruction was caused by bombs dropped by fighter jets. Locals are collecting bodies and digging graves for those killed, residents added.

In a Monday statement on the operation, Olukolade said that “a good number of the insurgents escaped with bullet wounds while some have been arrested. Over 50 of them died in the course of exchange of fire with ground troops.”

Fifteen soldiers were killed during the Boko Haram raid on the barracks and “during the pursuit” of the insurgents, according to Olukolade.

The defence spokesman gave no indication that the military response caused large-scale property destruction or cost civilian lives.

Nigeria’s military has been accused of using scorched-earth tactics in campaigns against Boko Haram and not distinguishing between civilian and insurgent targets. Such accusations have however been typically denied.

According to multiple witness accounts, Boko Haram stormed the barracks before sunrise on Friday, spraying it with gunfire before torching the compound. There were reports that soldiers as well as wives and children were abducted in the raid.

The army said the Islamists had tried to escape across the border with Cameroon but were pursued through the weekend by ground troops with the support of fighter jets deployed from an air force base in Borno’s capital Maiduguri, some 60 kilometres (37 miles) away.

Borno and two neighbouring states were placed under a state of emergency in May, giving the military added powers in their bid to crush Boko Haram’s four-year uprising which has killed thousands.

The conflict has affected various parts of the north and centre of Nigeria, but the northeast has been the hit hardest, including communities near Bama, which has emerged as a hotspot in the insurgency.

Boko Haram has said it wants to create an Islamic state in Nigeria’s mainly Muslim north. The southern half of the country is mostly Christian.

SEE Why Obasanjo Should Leave Jonathan Alone


24.12.2013, 9:17  Politics


The Ex-Bayelsa State governor, Chief Diep-reye Alamieseigha, yesterday spoke on Obasanjo's controversial letter to President Jonathan saying the former President Olusegun Obasanjo should allow President Goodluck Jonathan freely run his administration without interference.

photo

Speaking in Yenagoa, he said though Obasanjo deserves Jonathan's respect, the president needs the support and encouragement of all Nigerians to run the country successfully.

He said, "No man is infallible, there is no man on this earth that knows everything about governance. Even if you have tested power severally, one is still bound to make mistakes. Governance is a very complex thing. The office of president if you are not careful only those who want to tell you what you want to hear will have access to you. I cannot say the content of the letter is entirely rubbish as a Nigerian''.

"You should know that President Jonathan must step on some toes for him to achieve success in the reforms he is embarking upon. He has done certain things that only courageous people can do. The pains for the ultimate realisation of the Nigerian dream can only last for a while''.

"We must concede that at least Jonathan has achieved some great feats. But those things that he has not done well, he should be encouraged and advised in the right way and with good intention and not staying outside to command him as if the president is your subject that you can just sit anywhere to control. Leadership is like a relay race, Goodluck Jonathan should be allowed to run his race'', Alamieyesieya maintained.

Meanwhile Alamieyesieya does not agree that Obasanjo's letter is capable of truncating the ambition of Jonathan for a second term, insisting than Nigeria is bigger than Obasanjo.

"Obasanjo is not Nigeria, he alone cannot tell the citizens what to do. Remember he lost an election in his own village. That is how unpopular he is, even up till today or tomorrow. But Nigerians still voted for him. His disposition cannot significantly affect the electoral fortunes of Jonathan.

"Its God who gives power, if God so desires that Jonathan should continue in office then his aspiration will come to fruition. Jonathan has done much more than any other president has done. Let us support and encourage him instead of trying to pull him down by whipping up sentiments'', Alamieyeseigha said.


Sunday 22 December 2013

BREAKING NEWS: President Jonathan Replies Obasanjo , Reminds OBJ About Odi Massacre In Daring Reply

22.12.2013, 23:34  Politics

President Goodluck Jonathan has finally reponded to the letter by former President Olusegun Obasanjo, Full letter on display below.

His Excellency,

Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, GCFR

Agbe L'Oba House, Quarry Road,

Ibara, Abeokuta.

RE: BEFORE IT IS TOO LATE

I wish to formally acknowledge your letter dated December 2, 2013 and other previous correspondence similar to it. You will recall that all the letters were brought to me by hand. Although both of us discussed some of the issues in those letters, I had not, before now, seen the need for any formal reply since, to me, they contained advice from a former President to a serving President. Obviously, you felt differently because in your last letter, you complained about my not acknowledging or replying your previous letters.

It is with the greatest possible reluctance that I now write this reply. I am most uneasy about embarking on this unprecedented and unconventional form of open communication between me and a former leader of our country because I know that there are more acceptable and dignified means of doing so. But I feel obliged to reply your letter for a number of reasons: one, you formally requested for a reply and not sending you one will be interpreted as ignoring a former President.

Secondly, Nigerians know the role you have played in my political life and given the unfortunate tone of your letter, clearly, the grapes have gone sour. Therefore, my side of the story also needs to be told. The third reason why I must reply you in writing is that your letter is clearly a threat to national security as it may deliberately or inadvertently set the stage for subversion. The fourth reason for this reply is that you raised very weighty issues, and since the letter has been made public, Nigerians are expressing legitimate concerns.

A response from me therefore, becomes very necessary. The fifth reason is that this letter may appear in biographies and other books which political commentators on Nigeria's contemporary politics may write. It is only proper for such publications to include my comments on the issues raised in your letter. Sixthly, you are very unique in terms of the governance of this country. You were a military Head of State for three years and eight months, and an elected President for eight years.

That means you have been the Head of Government of Nigeria for about twelve years. This must have, presumably, exposed you to a lot of information. Thus when you make a statement, there is the tendency for people to take it seriously. The seventh reason is that the timing of your letter coincided with other vicious releases. The Speaker of the House of Representatives spoke of my "body language" encouraging corruption. A letter written to me by the CBN Governor alleging that NNPC, within a period of 19 months did not remit the sum of USD49.8 billion to the federation account, was also deliberately leaked to the public.

The eighth reason is that it appears that your letter was designed to incite Nigerians from other geopolitical zones against me and also calculated to promote ethnic disharmony. Worse still, your letter was designed to instigate members of our Party, the PDP, against me. The ninth reason is that your letter conveys to me the feeling that landmines have been laid for me. Therefore, Nigerians need to have my response to the issues raised before the mines explode. The tenth and final reason why my reply is inevitable is that you have written similar letters and made public comments in reference to all former Presidents and Heads of Government starting from Alhaji Shehu Shagari and these have instigated different actions and reactions.

The purpose and direction of your letter is distinctly ominous, and before it is too late, my clarifications on the issues need to be placed on record. Let me now comment on the issues you raised. In commenting I wish to crave your indulgence to compare what is happening now to what took place before. This, I believe, will enable Nigerians see things in better perspective because we must know where we are coming from so as to appreciate where we now are, and to allow us clearly map out where we are going. You raised concerns about the security situation in the country.

I assure you that I am fully aware of the responsibility of government for ensuring the security of the lives and property of citizens. My Administration is working assiduously to overcome current national security challenges, the seeds of which were sown under previous administrations. There have been some setbacks; but certainly there have also been great successes in our efforts to overcome terrorism and insurgency. Those who continue to down-play our successes in this regard, amongst whom you must now be numbered, appear to have conveniently forgotten the depths to which security in our country had plunged before now.

At a stage, almost the entire North-East of Nigeria was under siege by insurgents. Bombings of churches and public buildings in the North and the federal capital became an almost weekly occurrence. Our entire national security apparatus seemed nonplussed and unable to come to grips with the new threat posed by the berthing of terrorism on our shores. But my administration has since brought that very unacceptable situation under significant control.

We have overhauled our entire national security architecture, improved intelligence gathering, training, funding, logistical support to our armed forces and security agencies, and security collaboration with friendly countries with very visible and positive results. The scope and impact of terrorist operations have been significantly reduced and efforts are underway to restore full normalcy to the most affected North Eastern region and initiate a post-crisis development agenda, including a special intervention programme to boost the region's socio-economic progress.

In doing all this, we have kept our doors open for dialogue with the insurgents and their supporters through efforts such as the work of the Presidential Committee on Dialogue and the Peaceful Resolution of the Security Challenges in the North-East. You also know that the Governor of Borno State provided the items you mentioned to me as carrots. Having done all this and more, it is interesting that you still accuse me of not acting on your hardly original recommendation that the carrot and stick option be deployed to solve the Boko Haram problem.

Your suggestion that we are pursuing a "war against violence without understanding the root causes of the violence and applying solutions to deal with all the underlying factors" is definitely misplaced because from the onset of this administration, we have been implementing a multifaceted strategy against militancy, insurgency and terrorism that includes poverty alleviation, economic development, education and social reforms. Even though basic education is the constitutional responsibility of States, my administration has, as part of its efforts to address ignorance and poor education which have been identified as two of the factors responsible for making some of our youth easily available for use as cannon fodder by insurgents and terrorists, committed huge funds to the provision of modern basic education schools for the Almajiri in several Northern States.

The Federal Government under my leadership has also set up nine additional universities in the Northern States and three in the Southern States in keeping with my belief that proper education is the surest way of emancipating and empowering our people. More uncharitable persons may even see a touch of sanctimoniousness in your new belief in the carrot and stick approach to overcoming militancy and insurgency. You have always referred to how you hit Odi in Bayelsa State to curb militancy in the Niger Delta.

If the invasion of Odi by the Army was the stick, I did not see the corresponding carrot. I was the Deputy Governor of Bayelsa State then, and as I have always told you, the invasion of Odi did not solve any militancy problem but, to some extent, escalated it. If it had solved it, late President Yar'Adua would not have had to come up with the amnesty program. And while some elements of the problem may still be there, in general, the situation is reasonably better. In terms of general insecurity in the country and particularly the crisis in the Niger Delta, 2007 was one of the worst periods in our history.

You will recall three incidents that happened in 2007 which seemed to have been orchestrated to achieve sinister objectives. Here in Abuja, a petrol tanker loaded with explosives was to be rammed into the INEC building. But luckily for the country, an electric pole stopped the tanker from hitting the INEC building. It is clear that this incident was meant to exploit the general sense of insecurity in the nation at the time to achieve the aim of stopping the 2007 elections. It is instructive that you, on a number of occasions, alluded to this fact. When that incident failed, an armed group invaded Yenagoa one evening with the intent to assassinate me.

Luckily for me, they could not. They again attacked and bombed my country home on a night when I was expected in the village. Fortunately, as God would have it, I did not make the trip. I recall that immediately after both incidents, I got calls expressing the concern of Abuja. But Baba, you know that despite the apparent concern of Abuja, no single arrest was ever made. I was then the Governor of Bayelsa State and the PDP Vice-Presidential candidate. The security people ordinarily should have unraveled the assassination attempt on me. You also raised the issues of kidnapping, piracy and armed robbery. These are issues all Nigerians, including me are very concerned about.

While we will continue to do our utmost best to reduce all forms of criminality to the barest minimum in our country, it is just as well to remind you that the first major case of kidnapping for ransom took place around 2006. And the Boko Haram crisis dates back to 2002. Goodluck Jonathan was not the President of the country then. Also, armed robbery started in this country immediately after the civil war and since then, it has been a problem to all succeeding governments. For a former Head of Government, who should know better, to present these problems as if they were creations of the Jonathan Administration is most uncharitable.

Having said that, let me remind you of some of the things we have done to curb violent crime in the country. We have reorganized the Nigerian Police Force and appointed a more dynamic leadership to oversee its affairs. We have also improved its manpower levels as well as funding, training and logistical support. We have also increased the surveillance capabilities of the Police and provided its air-wing with thrice the number of helicopters it had before the inception of the present administration.

The National Civil Defence and Security Corps has been armed to make it a much more effective ally of the police and other security agencies in the war against violent crime. At both domestic and international levels, we are doing everything possible to curb the proliferation of the small arms and light weapons with which armed robberies, kidnappings and piracy are perpetrated. We have also enhanced security at our borders to curb cross-border crimes.

We are aggressively addressing the challenge of crude oil theft in collaboration with the state Governors. In addition, the Federal Government has engaged the British and US governments for their support in the tracking of the proceeds from the purchase of stolen crude. Similarly, a regional Gulf of Guinea security strategy has been initiated to curb crude oil theft and piracy. Perhaps the most invidious accusation in your letter is the allegation that I have placed over one thousand Nigerians on a political watch list, and that I am training snipers and other militia to assassinate people. Baba, I don't know where you got that from but you do me grave injustice in not only lending credence to such baseless rumours, but also publicizing it. You mentioned God seventeen times in your letter.

Can you as a Christian hold the Bible and say that you truly believe this allegation? The allegation of training snipers to assassinate political opponents is particularly incomprehensible to me. Since I started my political career as a Deputy Governor, I have never been associated with any form of political violence. I have been a President for over three years now, with a lot of challenges and opposition mainly from the high and mighty. There have certainly been cases of political assassination since the advent of our Fourth Republic, but as you well know, none of them occurred under my leadership. Regarding the over one thousand people you say are on a political watch list, I urge you to kindly tell Nigerians who they are and what agencies of government are "watching" them.

Your allegation that I am using security operatives to harass people is also baseless. Nigerians are waiting for your evidence of proof. That was an accusation made against previous administrations, including yours, but it is certainly not my style and will never be. Again, if you insist on the spurious claim that some of your relatives and friends are being harassed, I urge you to name them and tell Nigerians what agencies of my administration are harassing them. I also find it difficult to believe that you will accuse me of assisting murderers, or assigning a presidential delegation to welcome a murderer.

This is a most unconscionable and untrue allegation. It is incumbent on me to remind you that I am fully conscious of the dictates of my responsibilities to God and our dear nation. It is my hope that devious elements will not take advantage of your baseless allegation to engage in brazen and wanton assassination of high profile politicians as before, hiding under the alibi your "open letter" has provided for them. Nevertheless, I have directed the security agencies and requested the National Human Rights Commission to carry out a thorough investigation of these criminal allegations and make their findings public.

That corruption is an issue in Nigeria is indisputable. It has been with us for many years. You will recall that your kinsman, the renowned afro-beat maestro, Fela Anikulapo-Kuti famously sang about it during your first stint as Head of State. Sonny Okosun also sang about corruption. And as you may recall, a number of Army Generals were to be retired because of corruption before the Dimka coup. Also, the late General Murtala Mohammed himself wanted to retire some top people in his cabinet on corruption-related issues before he was assassinated. Even in this Fourth Republic, the Siemens and Halliburton scandals are well known.

The seed of corruption in this country was planted a long time ago, but we are doing all that we can to drastically reduce its debilitating effects on national development and progress. I have been strengthening the institutions established to fight corruption. I will not shield any government official or private individual involved in corruption, but I must follow due process in all that I do. And whenever clear cases of corruption or fraud have been established, my administration has always taken prompt action in keeping with the dictates of extant laws and procedures. You cannot claim to be unaware of the fact that several highly placed persons in our country, including sons of some of our party leaders are currently facing trial for their involvement in the celebrated subsidy scam affair.

I can hardly be blamed if the wheels of justice still grind very slowly in our country, but we are doing our best to support and encourage the judiciary to quicken the pace of adjudication in cases of corruption. Baba, I am amazed that with all the knowledge garnered from your many years at the highest level of governance in our country, you could still believe the spurious allegation contained in a letter written to me by the Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), and surreptitiously obtained by you, alleging that USD49.8 billion, a sum equal to our entire national budget for two years, is "unaccounted for" by the NNPC. Since, as President, you also served for many years as Minister of Petroleum Resources, you very well know the workings of the corporation. It is therefore intriguing that you have made such an assertion.

You made a lot of insinuations about oil theft, shady dealings at the NNPC and the NNPC not remitting the full proceeds of oil sales to the of CBN. Now that the main source of the allegations which you rehashed has publicly stated that he was "misconstrued", perhaps you will find it in your heart to apologize for misleading unwary Nigerians and impugning the integrity of my administration on that score. Your claim of "Atlantic Oil loading about 130, 000 barrels sold by Shell and managed on behalf of NPDC with no sale proceeds paid into the NPDC account" is also disjointed and baseless because no such arrangement as you described exists between Atlantic Oil and the Nigeria Petroleum Development Company. NPDC currently produces about 138, 000 barrels of oil per day from over 7 producing assets.

The Crude Oil Marketing Division (COMD) of the NNPC markets all of this production on behalf of NPDC with proceeds paid into NPDC account. I am really shocked that with all avenues open to you as a former Head of State for the verification of any information you have received about state affairs, you chose to go public with allegations of "high corruption" without offering a shred of supporting evidence. One of your political "sons" similarly alleged recently that he told me of a minister who received a bribe of $250 Million from an oil company and I did nothing about it.

He may have been playing from a shared script, but we have not heard from him again since he was challenged to name the minister involved and provide the evidence to back his claim. I urge you, in the same vein, to furnish me with the names, facts and figures of a single verifiable case of the "high corruption" which you say stinks all around my administration and see whether the corrective action you advocate does not follow promptly. And while you are at it, you may also wish to tell Nigerians the true story of questionable waivers of signature bonuses between 2000 and 2007. While, by the Grace of God Almighty, I am the first President from a minority group, I am never unmindful of the fact that I was elected leader of the whole of Nigeria and I have always acted in the best interest of all Nigerians.

You referred to the divisive actions and inflammatory utterances of some individuals from the South-South and asserted that I have done nothing to call them to order or distance myself from their ethnic chauvinism. Again that is very untrue. I am as committed to the unity of this country as any patriot can be and I have publicly declared on many occasions that no person who threatens other Nigerians or parts of the country is acting on my behalf. It is very regrettable that in your letter, you seem to place sole responsibility for the ongoing intrigues and tensions in the PDP at my doorstep, and going on from that position, you direct all your appeals for a resolution at me.

Baba, let us all be truthful to ourselves, God and posterity. At the heart of all the current troubles in our party and the larger polity is the unbridled jostling and positioning for personal or group advantage ahead of the 2015 general elections. The "bitterness, anger, mistrust, fear and deep suspicion" you wrote about all flow from this singular factor. It is indeed very unfortunate that the seeming crisis in the party was instigated by a few senior members of the party, including you. But, as leader of the party, I will continue to do my best to unite it so that we can move forward with strength and unity of purpose. The PDP has always recovered from previous crises with renewed vigour and vitality. I am very optimistic that that will be the case again this time.

The PDP will overcome any temporary setback, remain a strong party and even grow stronger. Instigating people to cause problems and disaffection within the party is something that you are certainly familiar with. You will recall that founding fathers of the Party were frustrated out of the Party at a time. Late Chief Sunday Awoniyi was pushed out, Late Chief Solomon Lar left and later came back, Chief Audu Ogbeh and Chief Tom Ikimi also left. Chief Okwesilieze Nwodo left and later came back. In 2005/2006, link-men were sent to take over party structures from PDP Governors in an unveiled attempt to undermine the state governors.

In spite of that, the Governors did not leave the Party because nobody instigated and encouraged them to do so. The charge that I was involved in anti-party activities in governorship elections in Edo, Ondo, Lagos, and Anambra States is also very unfortunate. I relate with all Governors irrespective of political party affiliation but I have not worked against the interest of the PDP. What I have not done is to influence the electoral process to favour our Party.

You were definitely never so inclined, since you openly boasted in your letter of how you supported Alhaji Shehu Shagari against Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Chief Nnamdi Azikiwe and others in the 1979 presidential elections while serving as a military Head of State. You and I clearly differ in this regard, because as the President of Nigeria, I believe it is my duty and responsibility to create a level playing field for all parties and all candidates. Recalling how the PDP lost in states where we were very strong in 2003 and 2007 such as Edo, Ondo, Imo, Bauchi, Anambra, and Borno, longstanding members of our great party with good memory will also consider the charge of anti-party activities you made against me as misdirected and hugely hypocritical.

It certainly was not Goodluck Jonathan's "personal ambition or selfish interest" that caused the PDP to lose the governorship of Ogun State and all its senatorial seats in the last general elections. You quoted me as saying that I have not told anybody that I will seek another term in office in 2015. You and your ambitious acolytes within the party have clearly decided to act on your conclusion that "only a fool will believe that statement" and embark on a virulent campaign to harass me out of an undeclared candidature for the 2015 presidential elections so as to pave the way for a successor anointed by you.

You will recall that you serially advised me that we should refrain from discussing the 2015 general elections for now so as not to distract elected public officials from urgent task of governance. While you have apparently moved away from that position, I am still of the considered opinion that it would have been best for us to do all that is necessary to refrain from heating up the polity at this time. Accordingly, I have already informed Nigerians that I will only speak on whether or not I will seek a second term when it is time for such declarations. Your claims about discussions I had with you, Governor Gabriel Suswam and others are wrong, but in keeping with my declared stance, I will reserve further comments until the appropriate time.

Your allegation that I asked half a dozen African Presidents to speak to you about my alleged ambition for 2015, is also untrue. I have never requested any African President to discuss with you on my behalf. In our discussion, I mentioned to you that four Presidents told me that they were concerned about the political situation in Nigeria and intended to talk to you about it. So far, only three of them have confirmed to me that they have had any discussion with you.

If I made such a request, why would I deny it? The issue of Buruji Kashamu is one of those lies that should not be associated with a former President. The allegation that I am imposing Kashamu on the South-West is most unfortunate and regrettable. I do not even impose Party officials in my home state of Bayelsa and there is no zone in this country where I have imposed officials. So why would I do so in the South West? Baba, in the light of Buruji's detailed public response to your "open letter", it will be charitable for you to render an apology to Nigerians and I. On the issue of investors being scared to come to Nigeria, economic dormancy, and stagnation, I will just refer you to FDI statistics from 2000 to 2013.

Within the last three years, Nigeria has emerged as the preferred destination for investments in Africa, driven by successful government policies to attract foreign investors. For the second year running, the United Nations Conference on Trade and Investments (UNCTAD) has ranked Nigeria as the number one destination for investments in Africa, and as having the fourth highest returns in the world. Today, Nigeria is holding 18 percent of all foreign investments in Africa and 60 percent of all foreign investments in the ECOWAS Sub-Region. Kindly note also that in the seven years between 2000 and 2007 when you were President, Nigeria attracted a total of $24.9 Billion in FDI.

As a result of our efforts which you disparage, the country has seen an FDI inflow of $25.7 Billion in just three years which is more than double the FDI that has gone to the second highest African destination. We have also maintained an annual national economic growth rate of close to seven per cent since the inception of this administration. What then, is the justification for your allegation of scared investors and economic dormancy? Although it was not emphasized in your letter of December 2, 2013, you also conveyed, in previous correspondence, the impression that you were ignorant of the very notable achievements of my administration in the area of foreign relations.

It is on record that under my leadership, Nigeria has played a key role in resolving the conflicts in Niger, Cote d'Ivoire, Mali, Guinea Bissau and others. The unproductive rivalry that existed between Nigeria and some ECOWAS countries has also been ended under my watch and Nigeria now has better relations with all the ECOWAS countries. At the African Union, we now have a Commissioner at the AU Commission after being without one for so long. We were in the United Nations Security Council for the 2010/2011 Session and we have been voted in again for the 2014/2015 Session. From independence to 2010, we were in the U.N. Security Council only three times but from 2010 to 2015, we will be there two times. This did not happen by chance.

My Administration worked hard for it and we continue to maintain the best possible relations with all centres of global political and economic power. I find it hard therefore, to believe your assertions of untoward concern in the international community over the state of governance in Nigeria With respect to the Brass and Olokola LNG projects, you may have forgotten that though you started these projects, Final Investment Decisions were never reached. For your information, NNPC has not withdrawn from either the Olokola or the Brass LNG projects. On the Rivers State Water Project, you were misled by your informant.

The Federal Government under my watch has never directed or instructed the Africa Development Bank to put on hold any project to be executed in Rivers state or any other State within the Federation. The Rivers Water Project was not originally in the borrowing plan but it was included in April 2013 and appraised in May. Negotiations are ongoing with the AfDB. I have no doubt that you are familiar with the entire process that prefaces the signing of a Subsidiary Loan Agreement as in this instance.

Let me assure you and all Nigerians that I do not engage in negative political actions and will never, as President, oppress the people of a State or deprive them of much needed public services as a result of political disagreement I have noted your comments on the proposed National Conference. Contrary to the insinuation in your letter, the proposed conference is aimed at bringing Nigerians together to resolve contentious national issues in a formal setting.

This is a sure way of promoting greater national consensus and unity, and not a recipe for "disunity, confusion and chaos" as you alleged in your letter. Having twice held the high office of President, Commander-In-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, I trust that you will understand that I cannot possibly find the time to offer a line-by-line response to all the accusations and allegations made in your letter while dealing with other pressing demands of office and more urgent affairs of state.

I have tried, however, to respond to only the most serious of the charges which question my sincerity, personal honour, and commitment to the oath which I have sworn, to always uphold and protect the interests of all Nigerians, and promote their well-being. In closing, let me state that you have done me grave injustice with your public letter in which you wrongfully accused me of deceit, deception, dishonesty, incompetence, clannishness, divisiveness and insincerity, amongst other ills.

I have not, myself, ever claimed to be all-knowing or infallible, but I have never taken Nigeria or Nigerians for granted as you implied, and I will continue to do my utmost to steer our ship of state towards the brighter future to which we all aspire. Please accept the assurances of my highest consideration and warm regards.

GOODLUCK EBELE JONATHAN

Monday 9 December 2013

Why Late Mandela Is In Hell-

Jim Solouki and Martin Baker 08.12.2013, 16:05.

Well I still don't believe they are Christians. No true Christian writes this way. I am sure you will agree with me after reading it.

Greetings True Christians!

Today Nelson Mandela, former president of South Africa, ended his worldly life and entered the depths of Hell. Mandela was an unsaved heathen, and died without knowing the Lord.

Not only did Mandela influence American Democrat Barack Hussein Obama, but he also practiced a heathen African tribal religion.

Unfortunately, while Mandela did some great things for the nation of South Africa by ending apartheid, Heaven is like an exclusive club, unsaved unwelcome. Mandela died unsaved, and is therefore not welcome in Heaven. Nelson Mandela was also influenced by Darwinism and Communism! Mandela was an avid reader of Marx in the 1950s, and everybody knows that God hates Communists! Mandela allied himself with Communists and heathen Indian Gandhi, who is also in Hell.

Instead of seeking a Christian approach to freedom from apartheid, Mandela instead turned entirely to heathens. In fact, Mandela and Gandhi even are rumored to have engaged in rampant homosexual acts with each other while planning protests! Mandela was also friendly toward Muslims, God's hated people! Mandela was linked to the American Civil Rights movement, and many members of this movement were Muslims. Know what the Muslims did after they got African Americans equal rights? They crashed airplanes into buildings and started sectarian wars in the Middle East. Nelson Mandela was allied with these heathen scum, and is now being punished for his earthly mistakes.

Tonight I watched many news stations. On every channel, they showed Africans lining the streets of South Africa, doing happy dappy heathen dances, perhaps in hopes that the voodoo rain god might look with favor upon the soul of Mandela.

Unfortunately, these savages are of the same cloth as Mandela. Nelson Mandela may have been a great AFRICAN nature, but by world standards, he was rather lacking. But alas, this is the best that Africa can do. Africa is a heathen continent filled with heathens, and it is no wonder that God allowed the people of Africa to be enslaved.

I implore those Africans still living to reject the sinful ways of Nelson Mandela and embrace Christianity so that they might not follow Mandela into Hell. Let us pray for the Africans, out of love. Dear Lord Jesus Christ, please lead the Africans away from heathen religions and to You. Please lead the Africans to Christianity so that they may stop being punished with AIDS, poverty, and dirty water, and so that they may avoid the fate of Nelson Mandela and avoid being cast into hell. This we pray in the name of our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ. Amen.

A heartfelt Christian messages from your friends,

Jim Solouki and Martin Baker


Thursday 5 December 2013

Obituary: Nelson Mandela

Nelson Mandela, 1990

To those who observed him closely, Nelson Mandela always carried himself as one who was born to lead.

As his former cellmate and long time friend, Ahmed Kathrada, said recently: "He was born into a royal house and there was always that sense about him of someone who knew the meaning of leadership."

The Mandela who led the African National Congress into government displayed a conspicuous sense of his own dignity and a self-belief that nothing in 27 years of imprisonment had been capable of destroying.

Although Mr Mandela frequently described himself as simply part of the ANC's leadership, there was never any doubt that he was the most potent political figure of his generation in South Africa.

Nelson Mandela shakes hands with FW De KlerkNo bitterness... Mandela and De Klerk

Obituary: Nelson Mandela

To the wider world he represented many things, not least an icon of freedom but also the most vivid example in modern times of the power of forgiveness and reconciliation. Back in the early 1990s, I remember then President, FW De Klerk, telling me he how he found Mandela's lack of bitterness "astonishing".

His fundamental creed was best expressed in his address to the sabotage trial in 1964. "I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination," he said.

"I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for and to achieve. But if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die."

Born in 1918, Rolihlahla Dalibhunga Mandela was raised in the village of Mvezo in the Transkei in the Eastern Cape. He was one of 13 children from a family with close links to the royal house of the Thembu people.

Mr Mandela often recalled his boyhood in the green hills of the Transkei with fondness. This was a remote landscape of beehive-shaped huts and livestock grazing on poor land.

He was only nine when his father died of tuberculosis. Always closer emotionally to his mother, Mr Mandela described his father as a stern disciplinarian. But he credited his father with instilling the instincts that would help carry him to greatness.

Nelson Mandela with Oliver Tambo in Addis Ababa, in 1962Mandela met future ANC leader Oliver Tambo at university

Years later Mr Mandela would write that "my father possessed a proud rebelliousness, a stubborn sense of fairness…" His death changed the course of the boy's life.

The young Mandela was sent from his home village to live as a ward of the Thembu royal house, where he would be groomed for a leadership role.

This meant he must have a proper education. He was sent to a Methodist school, where he was given the name Nelson. He was a diligent student and in 1939 went to Fort Hare University, then a burgeoning centre of African nationalism.

Nelson Mandela

1918 Born in the Eastern Cape

1943 Joined African National Congress

1956 Charged with high treason, but charges dropped after a four-year trial

1962 Arrested, convicted of incitement and leaving country without a passport, sentenced to five years in prison

1964 Charged with sabotage, sentenced to life

1990 Freed from prison

1993 Wins Nobel Peace Prize

1994 Elected first black president

1999 Steps down as leader

2001 Diagnosed with prostate cancer

2004 Retires from public life

2005 Announces his son has died of an HIV/Aids-related illness

It was at Fort Hare that Mr Mandela met the future ANC leader, Oliver Tambo, with whom he would establish the first black law practice in South Africa. Both were expelled from the university in 1940 for political activism.

First as a lawyer, then an activist and ultimately as a guerrilla leader, Mr Mandela moved towards the collision with state power that would change his own and his country's fate.

The late 1950s and early 1960s were a period of growing tumult in South Africa, as African nationalists allied with the South African Communist Party challenged the apartheid state.

When protest was met with brute force, the ANC launched an armed struggle with Mr Mandela at its head.

He was arrested and charged with treason in 1956. After a trial lasting five years, Mr Mandela was acquitted. But by now the ANC had been banned and his comrade Oliver Tambo had gone into exile.

Nelson Mandela went underground and embarked on a secret trip to seek help from other African nations emerging from colonial rule. He also visited London to meet Tambo.

But soon after his return he was arrested and sentenced to five years in jail. Further charges, of sabotage, led to a life sentence that would see him spend 27 years behind bars.

Nelson Mandela revisiting his prison cell in 1994Nelson Mandela revisited his cell several times after his release

He worked in the lime quarry on Robben Island, the prison in Cape Town harbour where the glaring sun on the white stone caused permanent damage to his eyes; he contracted tuberculosis in Pollsmoor Prison outside Cape Town, and he held the first talks with government ministers while he was incarcerated at the Victor Verster prison farm.

In conversation, he would often say prison had given him time to think. It had also formed his habits in sometimes poignant ways.

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Nelson Mandela

I recall a breakfast with several other journalists, where Mr Mandela was briefing us on the latest political talks. The waiter approached with a bowl of porridge. Tasting it briefly, the ANC leader shook his head. "It is too hot," he said. The waiter went away and returned with another bowl. This too was sent back. The waiter was looking embarrassed as he approached for the third time.

Fortunately the temperature was now cool enough. The famous broad smile appeared. The waiter was heartily thanked and breakfast - and our questions - were able to continue.

"That was a bit fussy wasn't it," I remarked to a colleague afterwards.

My colleague pulled me up short with his reply. "Think about it. If you spent 27 years in jail, most of the time eating food that was either cold or at best lukewarm, you are going to end up struggling with hot food."

There it was, expressed in the most prosaic of realities, a reminder of the long vanished years of Nelson Mandela.

Prison had taken away the prime of his life. It had taken away his family life. Relations with some of his children were strained. His marriage to Winnie Mandela would end in divorce.

Left: A 1961 photo of Nelson Mandela (AP); Centre: Mr Mandela and his then-wife on his release from prison in 1990 (AFP); Right: Mr Mandela pictured in 2007 (AP)

But as I followed him over the next three years, through embattled townships, tense negotiations, moments of despair and elation, I would understand that prison had never robbed his humanity.

I remember listening to him in a dusty township after a surge of violence which threatened to derail negotiations. Fighting between ANC supporters and the predominantly Zulu Inkatha movement had claimed thousands of lives, mainly in the townships around Johannesburg and in the hills of Natal.

Man holding newspaper on the day Nelson Mandela was set freeHuge crowds greeted Nelson Mandela's release

In those circumstances another leader might have been tempted to blame the enemy alone. But when Mr Mandela spoke he surprised all of us who were listening: "There are members of the ANC who are killing our people… We must face the truth. Our people are just as involved as other organisations that are committing violence… We cannot climb to freedom on the corpses of innocent people."

He knew the crowd would not like his message but he also knew they would listen.

As an interviewee, he deflected personal questions with references to the suffering of all South Africans. One learned to read the expressions on his face for a truer guide to what Mr Mandela felt.

On the day that he separated from Winnie Mandela, I interviewed him at ANC headquarters. I have no recollection of what he said but the expression of pure loneliness on his face is one I will always remember.

But my final memory of Nelson Mandela is one of joy. On the night of 2 May 1994 I was crammed into a function room full of officials, activists, diplomats and journalists, struggling to hear each other as the music pulsed and the cheers rang out.

The ANC had won a comprehensive victory. On the stage, surrounded by his closest advisors, Nelson Mandela danced and waved to the crowd. He smiled the open, generous smile of a man who had lived to see his dream.


South Africa's Nelson Mandela dies


The announcement of Mandela's death was made by President Jacob Zuma

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South Africa's first black president and anti-apartheid icon Nelson Mandela has died, South Africa's president says.

Mr Mandela, 95, led South Africa's transition from white-minority rule in the 1990s, after 27 years in prison.

He had been receiving intense home-based medical care for a lung infection after three months in hospital.

In a statement on South African national TV, Mr Zuma said Mr Mandela had "departed" and was at peace.

Nelson Mandela

1918 Born in the Eastern Cape

1943 Joined African National Congress

1956 Charged with high treason, but charges dropped after a four-year trial

1962 Arrested, convicted of incitement and leaving country without a passport, sentenced to five years in prison

1964 Charged with sabotage, sentenced to life

1990 Freed from prison

1993 Wins Nobel Peace Prize

1994 Elected first black president

1999 Steps down as leader

2001 Diagnosed with prostate cancer

2004 Retires from public life

2005 Announces his son has died of an HIV/Aids-related illness

"Our nation has lost its greatest son," Mr Zuma said.

The Nobel Peace Prize laureate was one of the world's most revered statesmen after preaching reconciliation despite being imprisoned for 27 years.

He had rarely been seen in public since officially retiring in 2004.

"What made Nelson Mandela great was precisely what made him human. We saw in him what we seek in ourselves," Mr Zuma said.

"Fellow South Africans, Nelson Mandela brought us together and it is together that we will bid him farewell."

UK Prime Minister David Cameron paid tribute to Mr Mandela, saying "a great light has gone out in the world".

Earlier, the BBC's Mike Wooldridge, outside Mr Mandela's home in the Johannesburg suburb of Houghton, said there appeared to have been an unusually large family gathering.

Among those attending was family elder Bantu Holomisa,

A number of government vehicles were there during the evening as well, our correspondent says.

Since he was released from hospital, the South African presidency repeatedly described Mr Mandela's condition as critical but stable.

Born in 1918, Nelson Mandela joined the African National Congress (ANC) in 1943, as a law student.

He and other ANC leaders campaigned against apartheid (white-only rule).

He was sentenced to life imprisonment in 1964, but was released in 1990 as South Africa began to move away from strict racial segregation.

He was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1993 and was elected South Africa's first black president in 1994. He stepped down after five years in office.

After leaving office, he became South Africa's highest-profile ambassador, campaigning against HIV/Aids and helping to secure his country's right to host the 2010 football World Cup.

He was also involved in peace negotiations in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Burundi and other countries in Africa and elsewhere.

Nelson Mandela in a file photo from 2010Nelson Mandela was in hospital for nearly three months